Dear Readers,
The latest post on Sincerely Doubt That… was inspired by the 2025 Corruption Perceptions Index by Transparency International, which was published in early February. Hungary has been ranked the most corrupt Member State of the European Union for the third consecutive year, in this global assessment, which evaluates 180 countries. The index scores countries on a scale from 0 to 100, where 0 represents total corruption and 100 signifies complete freedom from corruption. Once again, Hungary finished last among the EU countries.
Given the last 14 years of Fidesz’s domestic policies, this ranking is hardly surprising. I’ve compiled a cherry-picked list of the biggest political scandals, instances of misappropriating public funds, and laws that severely undermine civil liberties. Let’s take a closer look at what has happened in the Orbán regime.
A Brief History of Fidesz
Fidesz, originally known as the Alliance of Young Democrats, was founded in 1988, a year before the end of communism in Hungary, by a group of university students. In its early days, the party championed liberal values and stood firmly against the Soviet-style communist regime. However, from the 1990s onward, Fidesz's ideology gradually shifted to the right. Today, it is a right-wing populist and national conservative party with far-right elements.
One of the defining characteristics of right-wing populist parties is their anti-elite rhetoric, often paired paradoxically with the construction of their own political and economic elite. At the core of their ideology lies nationalism, reinforced by an emphasis on national sovereignty and the protection of traditional values. These parties also typically create enemies—both real and imagined—to exploit social tensions for political gain. In the case of the Orbán government, such perceived enemies include Brussels, the European Union, George Soros, migrants, minorities, and the LGBTQ+ community. Their political strategy often involves authoritarian practices, weakening democratic institutions while emphasising the role of a strong leader.
Experts debate the extent to which Fidesz has adopted far-right positions. Officially, Fidesz does not categorise itself as a far-right party and has not joined the far-right faction in the European Parliament. However, its political strategy overlaps significantly with far-right agendas. Some analysts argue that in recent years, Fidesz has become increasingly radicalised, gradually adopting far-right political themes such as anti-immigration and nationalist rhetoric. Additionally, experts note that Fidesz's policies show considerable overlap with the platform of Germany's far-right AfD, particularly in areas of family policy and national identity.
Political Evolution and Electoral Success
Fidesz ran as a political party for the first time in Hungary's inaugural free parliamentary elections in 1990, securing 22 seats, with Viktor Orbán elected as the party's parliamentary leader. Their first term in government lasted from 1998 to 2002. After losing the 2002 elections, they remained in opposition until their resounding victory in 2010, where they secured a two-thirds majority.
This supermajority allowed the governing party to amend the constitution and enact significant legislative changes without opposition support. Multiple factors contributed to this victory, but I believe two key events most influenced the average voter's choice:
In 2006, the Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP) was in power, and then-Prime Minister Ferenc Gyurcsány admitted in a leaked speech from a private party meeting in Őszöd that they had “lied morning, evening, and night” about the state of the economy to win reelection. This scandal sparked massive protests, some of which turned violent, including an attack on the headquarters of Hungarian Television in Budapest.
The MSZP’s struggles continued with the global financial crisis of 2008 and the subsequent austerity measures, which fuelled public dissatisfaction and bolstered support for Fidesz.
These events, combined with strategic political messaging and an emphasis on national sovereignty, paved the way for Fidesz’s continued dominance in Hungarian politics.
Hungary of the Oligarchs
Over the past 14 years, the Orbán regime has not been kind to Hungary. Fidesz has systematically dismantled the education system, healthcare, and democracy itself. The poor have become even poorer, while a narrow elite group—the oligarchs—has risen among the wealthy. Orbán has enriched his family and friends by practicing politically controlled capitalism. The toxic result of this system is the emergence of individuals who wield significant economic power and dominate the country’s economic and political life.
How Did This Happen?
In recent years, the government has consistently issued public procurement contracts that were frequently awarded to businessmen with close ties to Fidesz, granting them access to substantial state resources. For instance, according to a 2022 analysis by the Corruption Research Center, 42 companies linked to Fidesz won over one-fifth of EU-funded public tenders. Moreover, the government implemented economic regulations that favoured business circles connected to Fidesz, facilitating their market dominance. State-owned or government-affiliated banks provided favourable loans and grants to these companies, supporting their growth and market expansion. Additionally, businessmen close to Fidesz acquired significant media outlets, ensuring the domination of the government’s narrative the press.
Concentration of Power and Wealth
In the past decade and a half, substantial economic and political power has concentrated in the hands of a select few. Business and political figures such as the Orbán family, Lőrinc Mészáros ( Orban’s friend, the wealthiest businessman in Hungary), the Rogán family (Antal Rogan Minister of the Prime Minister's Cabinet Office ), the Szijjártó family (Péter Szijjártó, Minister of Foreign Affairs ), János Lázár (Minister of Construction and Transport), and the circles around György Matolcsy (Governor of the National Bank of Hungary) have amassed enormous wealth. In theory, politicians are supposed to represent public interests, promote societal well-being, and responsibly manage state resources. In contrast, those in power have prioritized their own economic and political influence, using public funds to enrich a narrow elite and solidify their authority while deliberately dismantling the country’s fundamental sectors.
Systematic Erosion of Society
This is no accident. It’s not merely about a narrow elite accumulating vast wealth for their own benefit. Simultaneously, they have destroyed sectors that foster societal awareness, development, and critical thinking—such as education, press freedom, and culture. A society that is intimidated, economically vulnerable, and starved of information is far easier to manipulate.
While the country’s wealthiest individuals control assets worth hundreds of billions of forints, an average Hungarian family struggles with weekly or monthly grocery shopping or an unexpected expense. A significant portion of society lives from paycheck to paycheck. While most people find it impossible to comprehend the difference between billions and trillions, Hungary officially saw its first trillionaire businessman last year.
This begs the question: Whose interests does this system really serve?
Lack of Democratic Values
It is a given that a state operating within democratic frameworks defends fundamental human rights, whether it be freedom of the press, the right to assemble, or LGBTQ+ rights. It doesn't take a genius to assess that, in terms of laws restricting human rights, everyone ends up losing.
As I’ve mentioned before, the two-thirds majority gives Fidesz the ability to make constitutional amendments or create laws without any opposition. Now, as for the laws that restrict human rights, let’s take a look at a few examples of what has happened over the past 14 years.
In 2010, the Act on the Freedom of the Press and the Regulation of Media Content (CIV. Act of 2010) was passed, which brought significant changes to the operation of the Hungarian media. The law established the National Media and Infocommunications Authority (NMHH), which was granted broad supervisory powers to control media content. The law defines the press product, includes the requirement of public morality, and restricts editorial freedom. These measures limit freedom of expression and significantly narrow the scope for critical voices.
When a media outlet exclusively conveys the government’s narrative without offering critique or questioning it, society loses its access to nuanced information. One-sided communication not only harms the diversity of public opinion but also distorts reality. This phenomenon has disturbing parallels with Orwell’s dystopian world in 1984, where the truth is written and controlled by those in power.
Of course, there are other reasons why society loses. Media companies close to the government, or what we can call “propaganda producers,” receive state contracts, and that’s where state funds are allocated—those billions could be better spent on education, healthcare, or public transportation developments instead of being poured into billboards. According to some sources, between 2015 and 2020, 100 billion HUF was spent on propaganda.
Are those anti-George Soros posters really that important? Moreover, Fidesz even found a way to make it impossible for civil society organizations operating in Hungary, such as the Open Society Foundation (OSI) or the European Roma Rights Centre (ERRC), which were supported by Soros, to continue. If that weren’t enough, the government also restricted educational freedom with the infamous Lex CEU law, which eventually led to the departure of the Central European University. What kind of democratic country passes a law that threatens to close a university? In light of these events, it feels challenging to feel a certain pride as a Hungarian citizen.
At the end of 2020, with the ninth amendment to Hungary’s Fundamental Law, they enshrined the institution of marriage as between a man and a woman, and declared that "the mother is a woman, the father is a man." This makes it impossible for single people to adopt children and bans same-sex couples from marrying.
The government tries to justify its family policy by referring to Christian values, but in reality, it’s mere sleight of hand. While they emphasize the traditional family model, the family allowance—designed to offer direct support to low-income families—has never been increased under Fidesz rule. In contrast, the baby bond and housing support loans, as well as various tax benefits, are structured in such a way that they are accessible to middle-class and wealthier families, while those most in need benefit less from them.
Meanwhile, in many children’s homes, deplorable conditions prevail, and foster parenting are being made impossible by the government. The foundation of Christian values is love and acceptance. Of course, we often forget this when we look back at universal history and see how many have hidden behind religion to wage wars. According to public opinion surveys, Hungarian society is far less homophobic than the government. Why can't the government accept that rainbow families exist? Why does this disturb right-wing political views? Especially now, when it's being constantly discussed that birth rates are dropping. Taking an example from the U.S., there are rainbow families who choose to become parents and invest heavily in IVF or surrogacy. If options to adopt and other forms of becoming a family were made available as well, people could take advantage of them, which could have the potential to help increase the birth rate in the long run.
It’s hard to have children in a country where there is no available hospital care for expectant mothers on weekends, there’s a shortage of doctors, and the education system is in ruins. It’s hard to raise a child when there are no proper schools, no teachers, and often, the gym teacher substitutes the physics class. And it’s hard to start a family in a country where human rights are constantly being restricted.
In a democratic state, there should be no “war” to fight for the rights of LGBTQ+ families. Here is a bold statement: This is 2025, if you live in Hungary, and you lack a Roma, an LGBTQ+ or a foreign friend, the problem is with you. And if you don’t see the problem with the restriction of press freedom, refugee rights, educational freedom, minority rights, the right to assemble, or LGBTQ+ rights, then you are part of the problem.
Scandalous Fidesz Governance
In addition to the strategic dismantling of the country, Fidesz has had its fair share of scandals since 2010. Here are some of the highlights:
In 2012, then-President Pál Schmitt was forced to resign after a news outlet -HVG- revealed in early January of the same year that he had plagiarised significant portions of his doctoral dissertation. The scandal even made it into the Urban Dictionary, where the term "Piece of Schmitt" became famous. It refers to: "Any kind of plagiarised writing by persons of power. Term coined after the doctoral thesis of Hungarian President Pal Schmitt. A Piece of ScHmITt can be distinguished from other forms of plagiarism by the author’s reliance on political or other means of control to circumvent standards and avoid being held accountable once their fraud is exposed.”
In 2016, then-President János Áder awarded the Knight's Cross of the Hungarian Order of Merit to one of Orbán's close friends. In November 2015, this individual published a hateful and exclusionary article in which he called every refugee older than 14 a potential killer. As a result, the Media Council imposed a 250,000 HUF fine on the Magyar Hírlap newspaper, which had published the article. According to Article 17 of the 2011 CCII Act, “The Hungarian Order of Merit and the Hungarian Cross of Merit are awarded in recognition of outstanding and exemplary activities in the service of the nation, in promoting the country's development, advancing the interests of the homeland, and enhancing universal human values.” In protest, 111 individuals returned their Knight’s Crosses and other state decorations.
In December 2020, József Szájer, a Fidesz MEP, resigned after participating in a gay orgy in Brussels during the Covid-19 pandemic, and then attempted to escape by sliding down a drainpipe during a police raid. The irony of the situation is that Szájer played an important role in the nineth amendment to the Hungarian Constitution, as he, being a prominent representative of Fidesz, supported and advocated for the party's conservative values, including policies on family and LGBTQ+ rights.
In 2022, the Völner-Schadl corruption scandal broke out. Pál Völner was the State Secretary of the Ministry of Justice and György Schadl was the president of the Hungarian Chamber of Judicial Officers (MBVK). In October 2022, the Prosecutor's Office issued a press release stating that it had filed charges for corruption, property-related crimes, and money laundering against Schadl and 21 other associates, including Pál Völner. The case is still ongoing.
In 2023, the Nyírmártonfalva canopy walkway scandal emerged. It turned out that a nearly 160,000 EUR (about 58 million HUF at the time) EU grant funded the construction of a walkway in an entirely cleared area, rendering the observation tower pointless. The twist here is that the Fidesz mayor owned the forest from which the trees were sold, and the land was cleared, leaving a bridge in the middle of nowhere. The walkway has since become a symbol of corruption and the misuse of EU funds in Hungary. Building a canopy walkway with EU money was as unnecessary as putting up billboards or state-purchasing István Tiborcz’s office buildings at prices far above the market value. (István Tiborcz is Orban’s son-in-law, amongst the 50 wealthiest Hungarians list of course)
In February 2024, a pardon scandal broke out. It was revealed that then-President Katalin Novák pardoned the man who had tried to cover up the fact that the director of the Bicske children's home had molested several children by having the children sign false statements. The Fidesz family-friendly policy pledge was seriously compromised, and something weird happened—in the government where there is no accountability nor consequences, Katalin Novák resigned from the position of president. Justice Minister Judit Varga also took responsibility for the pardon scandal and resigned shorty after Novák. The former president most likely followed orders- compromising her independence of course- took the shot and went down for it once it came to light. But worry not, Novák hasn’t suffered any financial loss as she continues to enjoy the benefits for life granted to former heads of state: she still receives her monthly presidential salary of 4.6 million HUF, which increases annually with the average gross salary, along with perks such as a personal driver, office, top healthcare, first-class flight tickets, and presidential residence if she wishes. Essentially, she can continue living at the same standard of living as if she were still in office. Recently, she said in relation to the scandal: “It is irrelevant whose suggestion or pressure led to my decision on the pardon.” leaving the pardon scandal unresolved.
The latter scandal is interesting because it gave rise to Péter Magyar, who at the time was referred to in the press as the husband of former Justice Minister Judit Varga. Within a year, he became a MEP with the Tisza Party, shaking up the country, and today he is seen by international media as the strongest challenger to Orbán and the Fidesz government. He has been touring the country, visiting the smallest most deprived villages, hospitals and highlights the dire conditions. During the Danube floods, he worked in rubber boots with a shovel and collected donations for those in need at Christmas. I definitely see a charismatic activist in him, and the question remains whether he will be able to topple the Fidesz government.
What's Next?
When I think of Hungary, I think of the heroes who sacrificed everything for this country. These heroes were held up as examples to me since my preschool days. I learned about their lives, the key details of the 1848 and 1956 revolutions and freedom fights, the names of the martyrs of Arad, and the values associated with them – that the homeland comes above all. The current Hungarian government does not represent these values; these heroes must be turning in their graves as the country is being stripped away, brick by brick.
I was born after the 1989 regime change, which was used by many to get rich "the easy way" But as you know, I come from a low income background so, lacking any family fortune to protect, I never had any interest in voting with that in mind. What I am saying is that those around Orban - in whatever capacity- have a vested interest in preserving, nay protecting the current status quo.
This is why I can't empathise with the majority who repeatedly votes for Fidesz every four years. Those who always manage to scrape by and line their pockets by stepping on others. Those who don't understand why we need to march for LGBTQ+ rights, or why segregation is wrong, or how limiting press freedom damages our society. I also don't understand how they could have turned a blind eye all this time. The stadiums, the posters, the office buildings are all pointless, but they never cared.
So much is in ruins, and the future seems so bleak, not to mention the struggle with everyday problems. Even if there is a change of government, how can this decaying country be fixed after 2026? What's next? I really don't know.
Yours Sincerely,
BB
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